Research, Hubert Truckenbrodt
| interface interactions –– wh-questions –– sentence types –– intonational meaning –– modals –– syn.-phon. interface –– f0 height –– for teachers –– neurolinguistics |
Research, Hubert Truckenbrodt |
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A series of experimental papers motivate an extenstion of the tonal height models by Ladd (1988) and van den Berg, Gussenhoven and Rietveld (1992). In the modified model the prosodic structure crucially determines the prosodic height in a particular way. The German phenomenon of upstep plays a central role in this in the 2002 and 2007 papers. The model is put together in the 2007 paper. The 2004 paper investigates final lowering in the same experimental materials, arguing that a component of final lowering is related to the downstep mechanism, rather than to final position.
Truckenbrodt, Hubert. 2002. Upstep and embedded register levels. Phonology 19. 77-120.
Truckenbrodt, Hubert. 2004. Final lowering in non-final position. Journal of Phonetics 32. 313-348.
Truckenbrodt, Hubert. 2007. Upstep of edge tones and of nuclear accents. In Carlos Gussenhoven & Tomas Riad (eds.), Tones and tunes. Volume 2: Experimental studies in word and sentence prosody, 349-386. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
In this work with Caroline Féry, the core results of Ladd (1988) are replicated in German. In addition, the interaction with German upstep is investigated. The results are compatible with the model above and extend it to the clausal configurations A[BC] vs. [AB]C, which are compared. The two papers are based on the same experiment. The recent paper also presents the crucial results and in addition argues that they support the match-theory of Selkirk (2011) at the level of intonation phrases.
Féry, Caroline & Hubert Truckenbrodt. 2005. Sisterhood and tonal scaling. Studia Linguistica 59 [special issue ed. by Merle Horne]. 223-243.
Truckenbrodt, Hubert & Caroline Féry. 2015. Hierarchical organization and tonal scaling. Phonology 32 [special issue ed. by Lisa Selkirk and Seunghun Lee]. 19-47
Xu (1999) had reported the effects of a single focus on the intonation in Mandarin Chinese: F0-raising in the focus, followed by F0-lowering/compression after the focus. In an experiment on multiple focus in Mandarin Chinese, we argue that the results support the view that the F0-effects of the focus are triggered by the metrical prominence that the focus attracts, rather than by the syntactic F-feature of the focus. The second paper develops this view further and connects it to the results on downstep and upstep earlier of this page.
Kabagema-Bilan, Elena, Beatriz López-Jiménez & Hubert Truckenbrodt. 2011. Multiple focus in Mandarin Chinese. Lingua 121 (13) [special issue ed. by Nicole Dehé, Ingo Feldhausen and Shin Ishihara]. 1890-1905.
Truckenbrodt, Hubert. In press. Focus, intonation, and tonal height. In Caroline Féry and Shin Ishihara (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Information Structure. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [pdf available upon request]